“机不可失，时不再来”指的是___

是 ___

在客观规律面前，人的主观能动性表现在___

事物的联系和运动之间的关系___

唯物辩证法的总特征是___

___

“割下来的手就不再是人手”这句话体现了___

唯物辩证法认为发展的实质是___

区分新事物和旧事物的标志在于看它们___

质量互变规律揭示了___

质和事物的存在是___

在实际工作中，要注意掌握分寸，防止“过”或“不及”，其关键在于___

区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___

量变的复杂性是指___

量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___

量变中的局部性部分质变是___

揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___

“肯定和否定相互渗透，在一定意义上，肯定就是否定。”这是一种___

事物的否定方面是指___

作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___

辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___

否定之否定规律___

事物发展的周期性体现了___

直线论的错误在于只看到___

循环论的错误在于___

对立统一规律揭示了___

唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___

辩证法所说的矛盾是指___

矛盾的基本属性是___

依据是___

矛盾问题的精髓是___

题的方法都是___

“任何个别（无论怎样）都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___

在唯物辩证法看来，水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___

“是就是是，不是就是不是，除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___

真象和假象的区别在于___

有的哲学家说，在大风扬起的尘土中，每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___

“或然率”是指___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___

毛泽东指出：实事’就是客观存在着的一切事物，‘是’就是___，求’就是我们去研究”

___是毛泽东思想继续发展时期的代表作。

不论过去、现在和将来，我们都要把国家和民族发展放在___的基点上，增强民族自尊心和自信心，坚定不移走自己的路。

___理论，是反映新民主主义革命客观规律的完备的理论形态。

坚持独立自主，就要恪守___的外交宗旨，坚持在和平共处五项原则基础上同各国友好相处，在平等互利基础上积极开展同各国的交流合作。

在中国共产党历史上，毛泽东第一个明确提出了___的科学命题和重大任务。

毛泽东领导我们建立起___，为社会主义现代化建设奠定了重要的物质技术基础。

1941 年3 月，张如心在___文中做出“毛泽东同志的思想”的表述。

毛泽东思想在___时期形成，在 时期走向成熟，并在解放战争时期和中华人民共和国成立后继续发展。

毛泽东《论十大关系》的报告中，提出我国经济工作中要正确处理好的关系有___

社会主义社会的基本矛盾包括___

毛泽东在《关于正确处理人民内部矛盾的问题》中提出正确处理人民内部矛盾的总方针 是___

关于社会主义现代化建设的战略目标和步骤中，毛泽东提出的“四个现代化”目标是___

毛泽东认为，充分调动一切积极因素，尽可能地克服消极因素，并且努力化消极因素为积极因素，这是社会主义事业前进的需要。这里讲的积极因素与消极因素，包括以下哪些方面 ？___

社会主义建设道路初步探索的意义___

党的八大正确分析了社会主义改造完成后我国社会主要矛盾的变化，主要是___

20 世纪 50 年代末 60 年代初，党在探索社会主义建设道路过程中，关于社会主义发展阶级，毛泽东提出的两个阶段是___

社会主义建设初步探索的经验教训主要有___

“两参一改三结合”制度是指___

毛泽东指出，敌我矛盾和人民内部矛盾的性质和解决方法分别是___

人民内部矛盾包括___

针对人民内部矛盾在具体实践中的不同情况，毛泽东提出了一系列具体方针，下面哪些是正确的___

刘少奇同志提出实行“两种劳动制度、两种教育制度”是指___

社会主义基本矛盾运动就有“有相适应又相矛盾”的特点，是指___

人体生理学的任务是阐明___

生理学的研究水平不包括___

生命最基本的特征是___

衡量组织兴奋性高低的指标是___。

下列关于反应的描述，错误的是___

生理学中的可兴奋组织不包括___

机体的内环境是指___

下列体液中，不属于细胞外液的有___

内环境稳态是指内环境___

机体生理功能调节的方式主要有三种，不包括___

反射的结构基础是___

破坏中枢神经系统，将使下列哪些现象消失___

神经调节的特点不包括___

负反馈的生理意义是___

正反馈作用的生理意义是___

O2 和 CO2 经细胞膜进出细胞的方式是___